Kathmandu – The Government of Nepal has expressed dissatisfaction over the agreement reached between India and China last Tuesday and has sent separate diplomatic notes to both countries. According to sources at the Prime Minister’s Office, the notes were dispatched on Thursday.
Nepal has previously sent six diplomatic notes to India, four related to border disputes and two on other issues.
Recently, during his visit to India, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi reached an agreement with the Indian side to open trade through Lipulekh, Nepali territory. In response, the Government of Nepal formally objected to the agreement.
In the diplomatic note, Nepal stated that the border dispute should be resolved through established mechanisms with India, and that such mechanisms are the only proper means to find a solution. The largest official mechanisms between Nepal and India include meetings led by foreign ministers, along with technical mechanisms under the Department of Survey.
There are three mechanisms under the Department of Survey to address Nepal–India border disputes. Among them, the Boundary Working Group, led by Nepal’s Director General of Survey and India’s Surveyor General, is considered the main mechanism. Its meetings are held alternately every year. Most recently, following the planned visit of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli to India, a Home Secretary–level Boundary Working Group meeting was held in New Delhi on July 22–23. Afterwards, another meeting led by the Department of Survey was also held, where both sides agreed to resolve the dispute through diplomatic means.
Major diplomatic notes sent by Nepal since 2013 (2070 BS):
Jestha 2072: Objection to India–China agreement to make Lipulekh a trade route
29 Baisakh 2077: Objection to inauguration of road to Mansarovar via Nepali territory
7 Mangsir 2077: Dispute with India after Nepal issued a new political map including its territory
10 Mangsir 2077: Concern over not receiving COVID-19 vaccines despite payment
21 Bhadra 2078: Incident of Jay Singh Dhami being swept away in Mahakali River and helicopter flights over Nepali territory
5 Bhadra 2082: Objection to India–China agreement on opening a trade route
Kathmandu — In a renewed display of diplomatic engagement, Nepal and India have agreed to resume joint border mapping using new technology. This development emerged from the seventh meeting of the Nepal–India Boundary Working Group (BWG) held in New Delhi. While the agreement marks progress in managing technical aspects of the shared boundary, it consciously sidestepped some of the most politically sensitive areas,particularly Kalapani and Susta,thus failing to address the deeper, long-standing territorial disputes between the two nations.
For Nepal, the border issue transcends modern geopolitics. It is rooted in history, colonial injustice, and a national quest to restore its rightful territory. In an age when democracies strive to rectify the injustices of colonialism, Nepal’s long-standing territorial grievances remain invisible to the global stage. Once a proud Himalayan kingdom stretching from the Sutlej in the west to the Teesta in the east, Nepal now exists within a fraction of its historical borders,its national dignity wounded, its sovereignty perpetually questioned. This is not merely a cartographic dispute. The idea of “Greater Nepal” is not a mythic dream,it is a rightful demand born from history, bloodshed, and betrayal.
The British justified the annexation through brute force and diplomacy under duress. Unlike other colonial possessions, these lands were taken from an independent sovereign state through an unfair treaty, which, under modern international norms, would be deemed voidable. When the British departed the subcontinent in 1947, Nepal anticipated that its lands taken under colonial coercion would be returned. International law supports the principle that post-colonial borders should be reconsidered in light of unjust treaties imposed under imperial duress. However, instead of restoration, India absorbed these territories,including Kalapani, Lipulek, Limpiyadhura, Darjeeling, and Sikkim,into its republic without dialogue or legal negotiation with Nepal.
The Roots of a Disputed Geography
Following the Anglo-Nepalese War (1814–1816), Nepal was coerced into signing the Treaty of Sugauli with the British East India Company. This humiliating accord saw Nepal lose over a third of its territory, including the fertile and strategically significant regions of Kumaon, Garhwal, Darjeeling, Sikkim, and much of the Terai. These areas,forming what many now call “Greater Nepal”,were annexed not through fair negotiation but at the barrel of a gun, violating Nepal’s sovereignty under duress.
While the colonial cartographers redrew South Asia, there was little regard for history, culture, or consent. These lost lands were never just borders,they were the economic lifeblood and cultural identity of the Nepali state. And when the British Empire ended in 1947, instead of restoring these territories to their rightful owner, newly independent India retained them, failing to address the illegitimacy of colonial conquest.
Independence for India, Injustice for Nepal
When Britain departed in 1947, its colonial scars were supposed to fade. But for Nepal, a new chapter of disenfranchisement began. Instead of returning territories unjustly annexed, newly independent India inherited colonial boundaries and preserved them with greater tenacity than even the British.
The Treaty of Peace and Friendship, signed in 1950 between Rana Prime Minister Mohan Shamsher and Indian Ambassador C.P.N. Singh, became a cornerstone of India-Nepal relations. Yet to many in Nepal, it symbolized a quiet annexation of sovereignty. Indian citizens could live and work freely in Nepal, while Nepal’s strategic autonomy shrank under India’s expanding shadow. No clause addressed territorial restitution. No dialogue ever considered the unfinished business of decolonization. What followed was India embedding itself into Nepal’s internal affairs under the guise of cooperation. Military liaison missions, economic dependency, and political manipulation followed. Even Nepal’s attempts to exercise independent foreign policy were often met with economic blockades or diplomatic pressure. The 1950 treaty, still unamended, remains a living document of Nepal’s compromised sovereignty.
The Mahakali Treaty: Water and Wounds
In 1996, the Mahakali Treaty was signed with the promise of joint hydropower and irrigation development along the Mahakali River (called Sharda in India). While hailed as a landmark in cooperation, the treaty failed to address the very origin of the river,Kalapani, a disputed territory still under Indian control.
The ambitious Pancheshwar Multipurpose Project promised economic upliftment but remains stalled. Critics within Nepal argue the deal lacked transparency, disproportionately benefitted India, and ignored ecological and national security implications. Once again, diplomacy cloaked domination.
Kalapani and the Cartographic War
The turning point came in 2020, when India unilaterally constructed a road through the Lipulek pass, a territory Nepal firmly claims under its western boundary demarcation. In a defiant and historically informed act, Nepal responded by issuing a new political map that reinstated Kalapani, Lipulek, and Limpiyadhura as integral parts of its territory. This move, supported by a constitutional amendment and overwhelming parliamentary consensus, was not mere symbolism,it was an overdue assertion of historical fact.
India, instead of engaging diplomatically, labelled the new map as “cartographic aggression.” Yet it was India that had redrawn the lines, not Nepal. The Nepali move was a correction, not a provocation.
Historical Justice and International Law
The Greater Nepal movement is not secessionist,it is restorative. International law has increasingly recognised the illegitimacy of colonial-era treaties made under coercion. The Sugauli Treaty is one such example. The principle of “uti possidetis juris“,which insists colonial borders must be upheld to avoid conflict,fails when those borders were fraudulently or violently imposed.
Global precedent suggests that historical claims must be revisited when they stem from violent dispossession. If Britain could return Hong Kong and entire India itself, Portugal could return Goa(city in India),if France could apologise to Algeria, why can’t India acknowledge that much of its northern border was inherited not by right but by colonial theft?
The Modern Reality: India’s Strategic Paralysis
Despite growing calls for a treaty review, India continues to dismiss or delay discussions. The Eminent Persons Group (EPG), a joint Nepal-India panel formed in 2016 to recommend revisions to outdated agreements, submitted its report in 2018. India has refused to even receive the document.
India’s approach has not only bred resentment but also strengthened the hand of nationalist movements in Nepal. The Greater Nepal campaign is no longer fringe,it is mainstream. It reflects a broader South Asian trend where smaller nations are demanding dignity, not deference.
Greater Nepal Is Not an Idea—It Is an Injustice Waiting to Be Corrected
Nepal’s historical claim is not rooted in expansionism but in rightful reclamation. The lands of Greater Nepal were not lost in war,they were stolen in colonial deceit and never returned. Today, maps, treaties, and military might cannot erase the memory of that theft.
India must face a moral crossroads. Will it continue to uphold colonial spoils as sacred borders, or will it join the ranks of mature democracies that right the wrongs of the past? Greater Nepal is not a dream,it is unfinished justice. And until that justice is acknowledged, Nepal’s sovereignty will remain wounded, its borders incomplete, and its dignity denied.
For Nepal, this is not about geopolitics but identity. And for the global community, it is a test, will the international order uphold principles of fairness, or will it remain selectively blind to the scars of empire?
The borders of Greater Nepal may not be redrawn tomorrow. But its claim,anchored in history, marred by betrayal, and now reawakened,will not be forgotten. Not by its people. Not by those who still believe that justice delayed is not justice denied. For Nepal, the call is clear,the era of silence has ended. The Greater Nepal that once was, must now be the Nepal that will be.
Kathmandu — Nepal Communist Party General Secretary Netra Bikram Chand has objected to the agreement to reopen the pilgrimage and trade route between India and China via Nepal’s Lipulekh pass.
In a statement issued on Saturday, Chand objected to the agreement reached in Beijing by India’s National Security Advisor Doval during his visit to China last week. ‘
Our party’s serious attention has been drawn to the agreement reached in Beijing between Chinese and Indian officials to reopen the pilgrimage and trade route via Lipulekh pass.
Chand also recalled that the Chinese government at that time had said that the agreement made with India could be re-evaluated if there were authentic documents as claimed by Nepal. ‘In 2077, the House of Representatives of Nepal (Parliament) has made public a map including Kalapani, Limpiyadhura and Lipulekh Pass,’ Chand said, ‘The China-India agreement made without cooperation with Nepal on the agreement to use Nepal’s territory has encroached on Nepal’s sovereign integrity.’
Chand said that Nepal needs to be serious about its independence and integrity. Chand has demanded the Nepal government to cancel the India-China agreement regarding Lipulekh Pass and take necessary steps to protect national integrity.’