The Fall of the USSR and the Rise of Modern Russia

On December 26, 1991, the Soviet Union officially ceased to exist, marking one of the most dramatic geopolitical shifts of the 20th century. The red flag that once flew over Kremlin buildings were lowered for the last time, and a state that had been forged through revolution, war, ideology, and repression disappeared overnight. In its place rose fifteen new nations—each grappling with independence, identity, and their own political futures—while Russia, the USSR’s largest and most powerful successor, began a new chapter marked by turbulence, ambition, and global confrontation.

The collapse of the Soviet Union was neither sudden nor entirely unexpected. The decline had its roots in decades of economic stagnation, over-centralization, and the burdens of a prolonged arms race with the West. By the early 1980s, the Soviet economy was failing to meet even basic needs. Mikhail Gorbachev’s rise to power in 1985 brought hope for revitalization. With his twin policies of perestroika (economic restructuring) and glasnost (political openness), Gorbachev aimed to modernize the Soviet system. He loosened censorship, allowed greater personal freedoms, and introduced elements of market economics—all of which challenged the very foundations of the Soviet regime. But the same reforms that aimed to save the system ended up accelerating its demise. The political liberalization emboldened independence movements across the republics, and economic changes unleashed inflation and shortages.

Gorbachev also revised foreign policy through what became known as “New Political Thinking,” which emphasized diplomacy, cooperation with the West, and de-escalation of nuclear tensions. This led to historic arms control treaties, such as the 1987 INF Treaty and the 1991 START I Agreement. He renounced the Brezhnev Doctrine, effectively allowing Soviet satellite states in Eastern Europe to determine their own political futures. As a result, between 1989 and 1990, one communist regime after another fell across Eastern Europe. The most iconic moment of this shift came with the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989.

One of the defining moments that followed was German reunification. West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl negotiated with both the United States and the Soviet Union to unify East and West Germany under NATO’s umbrella. During these discussions, U.S. officials—including Secretary of State James Baker—gave verbal assurances that NATO would not expand “one inch eastward” beyond unified Germany. While these promises were not codified in a binding treaty, they were widely interpreted by Soviet leaders as a gentleman’s agreement. In the years that followed, the meaning and relevance of those assurances became a matter of deep dispute, especially as NATO later expanded to include former Soviet allies and republics.

By 1990, Gorbachev’s reforms were losing traction domestically. A New Union Treaty was drafted to preserve the USSR as a looser federation of republics, but hardliners opposed to decentralization launched a coup in August 1991. Though the coup failed, it dealt a fatal blow to Gorbachev’s authority and emboldened the independence movements already gaining strength across the republics. The most decisive break came in Ukraine. On December 1, 1991, over 90% of Ukrainians voted in a referendum to secede from the USSR. Shortly thereafter, on December 8, the leaders of Russia (Boris Yeltsin), Ukraine (Leonid Kravchuk), and Belarus (Stanislav Shushkevich) signed the Belovezha Accords, declaring the Soviet Union effectively defunct and establishing the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Gorbachev, now sidelined, resigned on December 25, and the Soviet flag was lowered from the Kremlin the same day.

The end of the Soviet Union produced fifteen new independent states: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Estonia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Ukraine, and Uzbekistan. These republics had been part of the USSR, but most had maintained formal republican structures and ethnic identities, which now served as the basis for statehood. While the Soviet constitution allowed for secession, the actual process was a complex mix of public referendums, elite negotiations, and—at times—power struggles. Leaders such as Yeltsin in Russia, Kravchuk in Ukraine, and Nazarbayev in Kazakhstan played pivotal roles in declaring sovereignty and pushing for recognition. Not all transitions were smooth. Moldova faced separatist tensions in Transnistria, Georgia grappled with breakaway regions, and Central Asia navigated authoritarian consolidation and ethnic complexities.

While the United States and Europe welcomed the peaceful end of the Cold War, they also began reimagining their strategic frameworks. NATO, originally formed to counter Soviet influence, found itself without a clear enemy. Through initiatives like the Partnership for Peace in 1994 and subsequent waves of expansion, NATO welcomed Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic in 1999; then the Baltic states, Bulgaria, Romania, Slovakia, and others in 2004; and later Albania, Croatia, and Montenegro. These moves were seen by many new members as essential guarantees of sovereignty and protection. But in Russia, NATO’s eastward expansion was interpreted as a betrayal of the post-Cold War understanding. For many Russians, it felt like the West was exploiting their country’s weakness during a time of transition.

In the 1990s, Boris Yeltsin’s Russia initially pursued cooperation with the West. It joined international institutions, adopted market reforms with the help of Western advisors, and engaged with NATO through the NATO-Russia Founding Act. But the results were mixed. The shock therapy economics advised by Western institutions led to hyperinflation, a collapse in living standards, and the rise of a corrupt oligarch class. The 1990s became a time of humiliation and hardship for many Russians, and a sense of betrayal took hold—fed by memories of Western intervention in Serbia during the Kosovo conflict, which occurred without UN approval and over Russian objections.

When Vladimir Putin assumed the presidency in 2000, he inherited a country still recovering from economic collapse and social instability. His early years focused on centralizing power, restoring economic order, and projecting strength abroad. Under Putin, Russia began to reassert itself as a major regional and global player. NATO’s support for Georgia and Ukraine’s eventual membership aspirations were perceived in Moscow as existential threats. In 2008, Russia invaded Georgia, occupying two separatist regions. In 2014, following Ukraine’s Euromaidan revolution and its pivot toward the West, Russia annexed Crimea—a move condemned by the international community—and supported separatist forces in eastern Ukraine.

Russia’s modern foreign policy, particularly under Putin, is shaped by the belief that the post-Soviet order was rigged against it. Many Russian officials cite NATO’s expansion and Western backing of color revolutions as proof of encirclement and interference. Conversely, Western leaders argue that the alliance is voluntary and defensive, with new members freely choosing integration. The debate over broken promises, mutual misinterpretations, and diverging visions of European security continues to define East-West relations to this day.

The story of the Soviet collapse and the rise of modern Russia is not one of good versus evil, nor of inevitable outcomes. It is a tale of reform and resistance, of diplomacy and miscalculation, of nations seeking self-determination and a global order still struggling to accommodate competing legacies. The dissolution of the USSR unleashed enormous potential—but also unresolved tensions. Today’s geopolitical rivalries—from NATO’s role in Europe to Russia’s war in Ukraine—can only be fully understood in light of those transformative years between 1985 and 1991, when the world map changed and the old rules ceased to apply.

Ukraine’s referendum challenges NATO and the West

The referendum held by Ukrainians in Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson and Zaporizhia regions from September 23 to 27 on joining Russia has ended.

A referendum held in these four regions of Ukraine will undoubtedly include those regions in Russia. Despite the opposition of the European Union and the Western countries, this referendum has sent a message to the Western countries and especially the United States that are indirectly fighting with Russia by pushing Ukraine forward, that Russia will not back down from the war under any circumstances. Taking precedent of the fact that the United States and NATO recognized Kosovo as an independent country in 2008, Russia annexed Crimea to its territory in 2014 and again will include four regions of Ukraine in its territory giving an example of Kosovo.

Ukraine’s referendum has become a serious challenge to the US and Western countries, which are indirectly fighting the Ukraine war to weaken Russia. If the Western countries, which are continuously supporting Ukraine with arms and money, wanted to stop the Russia-Ukraine war and move forward with the peace talks, yesterday they could have done so only on the condition that Russia would withdraw its troops and Ukraine would not join NATO. But today the conditions for peace talk might include the four regions of Ukraine annexed by Russia to be returned, which Russia will never agree with.

By promising to help Ukraine to fight the war against Russia, America is prolonging the Russia-Ukraine conflict and now it has reached a situation where the war will not stop even if it wants to. In the meantime, the issue of how to help Ukraine and what to help has become a challenge for America. In this sense, the Ukraine war was a conflict between Russia and America and even today this war is indirectly a war between Russia and America. Because Ukraine did not have the power to fight a war against Russia yesterday and still does not have it today. Therefore, the US wants to prolong the war to weaken Russia on the one hand, and on the other hand to increase its arms sales. But after the referendum, Russia has openly challenged the use of nuclear weapons to protect the territories annexed by Russia. After this incident, Russia has decided to deploy weapons and troops in full capacity, considering the territory as Russia’s border.

Ukraine’s next path is to seek help from Western countries to return the lost territory or to give up the lost territory and negotiate peace. But the US still wants to prolong the Russia-Ukraine conflict and weaken Russia. Therefore, the possibility of peace talks is very low. Also, Europe and America have declared that the referendum and its results are not valid. But that declaration will not make any difference to Russia and Russia will now provide full security to that territory. Now, in this scenario, if the US still wants to prolong this war, the US and NATO countries, which have been fighting the Ukraine war against Russia in the background until now with weapons and financial support, will have to come directly to the war and if that happens, the next direct war will not be Russia vs. Ukraine, but Russia vs. America and NATO nations.

If indeed NATO nations and the US join forces against Russia, Russia will have no choice but to start a nuclear war. But the possibility of direct military intervention against Russia by the NATO countries that understands America’s war policy is very low, and America does not have the ability to fight a war with Russia alone without the support of NATO countries. Another thing is that as the US mid-term elections approach closer, the US itself is less likely to join the war directly. In order for the US to join the war directly or stand up more aggressively in favor of Ukraine, the US Senate and its majority members and the American people will have to approve . In American politics, a unilateral decision by the president can make no big difference. But in the case of President Putin and Russia, this scenario is completely reversed. Therefore, if the Russia-Ukraine war continues, Ukraine will have to face more crisis.

Image: Global Times

Last Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev dies at 91

Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev dies at the age of 91 who brought the Cold War to a peaceful end.

Born in 1931, Gorbachev became the general secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1985 and opened up the Soviet Union to the world and introduced a set of reforms. At the time, he was 54 – the youngest member of the ruling council. He was The Soviet Union’s first and only elected president.

Though the attempted coup against him in August 1991 failed, Gorbachev’s authority did not survive for long. He was unable to prevent the collapse of the Soviet Union, from which modern Russia emerged. By December that year, the leaders of the Soviet republics of Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus signed the Belovezh Accords, effectively breaking up the Soviet Union against the desires of the majority of its citizens.

He was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in for the leading role he played in the radical changes in East-West relations”.

He is seen in the West as an architect of reform who created the conditions for the end of the Cold War in 1991 – a time of deep tensions between the Soviet Union and Western nations, including the US and Britain.

He will be buried in Moscow’s Novodevichy cemetery, the resting place of many prominent Russians, next to his wife Raisa who died of leukaemia in 1999.

Russian President Vladimir Putin and former USSR President Mikhail Gorbachev, 12 June 2002

Tributes have been paid worldwide, saying he changed the course of history.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has expressed his “deepest condolences” on the death of Mikhail Gorbachev to his family and friends.

Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev signing the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty in 1987

US President Joe Biden expressed his deepest condolences over the death of Mikhail Gorbachev to his family and friends, praising his willingness to “risk his entire career” for a “safer world and greater freedom for millions of people.” He has described Mikhail Gorbachev as a “man of remarkable vision.”